Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta wolfgang schivelbusch. Mostrar todas las entradas
Mostrando entradas con la etiqueta wolfgang schivelbusch. Mostrar todas las entradas

sábado, 20 de diciembre de 2025

DRUGGED SUITORS IN 12DP - THE MIDNIGHT ARCHIVE

Passages from The 12 Dancing Princesses, from The Midnight Archive podcast. 

Note how it describes the effects of the drug: somnolence, then complete chemical unconsciousness, then amnesia/blackout and a dreamess sleep. The same effects of rauha, which could have been laudanum, datura, or deadly nightshade (datura also causes identical effects: somnolence, then complete chemical unconsciousness and dreamless sleep, then blackouts).

The suitors here suffer from en-bloc blackouts. IE they don't remember anything that happened during their chemical unconsciousness. And they didn't dream during their chemical sleep. En bloc blackouts are classified by the inability to later recall any memories from the intoxication period, even when prompted. These blackouts are characterized also by the ability to easily recall things that have occurred within the last 2 minutes, yet being unable to recall anything prior to this period. As such, a person experiencing an en bloc blackout may not appear to be doing so, as they can carry on conversations or even manage to accomplish difficult feats. It is difficult to determine the end of this type of blackout as sleep typically occurs before they end, although it is possible for an en bloc blackout to end if the affected person has stopped drinking in the meantime.

In a study of university students in the US, 51% of the students reported that they had had at least one blackout. Blackouts were reported during activities such as spending money (27%), sexual conduct (24%), fighting (16%), vandalism (16%), unprotected intercourse (6%), and driving a car (3%). So a significant number of students were engaged in a range of possibly hazardous activities during blackouts.

(The first suitor)

He's trained himself to stay awake for days at a time. He won't make the same mistakes. He makes exactly the same mistakes. He drinks the wine or doesn't drink it, but somehow sleeps anyway. He sees nothing, hears nothing, wakes to ruined shoes and a death sentence. He's executed, too. Then  commoners who have nothing to lose, desperate men willing to risk their lives for the chance at wealth and a princess. Each one confident, each one determined, each one drugged into sleep by wine the princesses offer with sweet smiles and kind words. 
(The fairy warns the hero) 
The second gift is advice. "When the princesses offer you wine, the old woman says, "Don't drink it. They've been drugging their watchers. That's how they've defeated every man before you. Pretend to drink, but let the wine spill. Then pretend to fall asleep. Snore loudly. Make them believe you're unconscious like all the others." She knows. Somehow this old woman on the side of the road knows exactly how the princesses have been maintaining their secret. 
(The hero pretends to drink, but doesn't swallow the wine) 
The eldest approaches with a cup of wine. You must be tired from your journey, she says. Her voice is kind. Her smile is warm. This will help you stay awake. The soldier takes the cup. He brings it to his lips. And he remembers the old woman's words. The soldier pretends to drink. He brings the cup to his mouth, tilts it back, but beneath his chin, hidden by his collar, he's placed a sponge. The wine pours into the sponge instead of his throat. Not a single drop passes his lips. He hands the empty cup back to the eldest princess. 
"Thank you," he says. "You're very kind." She smiles. The same smile she's given to all the others. The same kindness that preceded their drugged sleep and eventual execution. The soldier lies down on his bed. 
He closes his eyes, but not all the way. Through the narrow slits of his lids, he watches the open door, watches the 12 princesses in their chamber, and he begins to snore. Loud snores, theatrical snores, the snores of a man deeply, completely chemically unconscious. The snores that every failed suitor produced after drinking the drugged wine
The princesses watch him through the doorway. They wait. They listen. One of them, the youngest, creeps closer, peering at him to make sure he's truly asleep. The soldier snores louder. Finally, satisfied, the princesses begin to move. 
"But the wine, he drank it so quickly. And something felt different when we crossed the grove last time. I heard sounds." 
"You imagine things." The eldest finishes pinning her hair. "Look at him. He's asleep like all the others, snoring like a pig. By morning, he'll remember nothing."
(The following day) 
Everything repeats. The eldest princess brings the drugged wine. The soldier pretends to drink, lets it spill into the hidden sponge. He lies down. He snores. 
No fear shows on their faces. No one has ever discovered their secret. No one has ever stayed awake through the drugged wine. This soldier will fail like all the others. 
Why they drug their watchers and send them to death.
(The crown princess reveals everything)
And she's tired. Tired of the secret, tired of the drugged wine and the dead suitors and the constant fear of discovery. 
"It's true," she says. Her voice is quiet but steady. "Everything he says is true."
The other princesses say nothing. They don't need to. The eldest has spoken for all of them. Their secret is exposed.
(Of course there is a happy ending; the hero marries the crown princess).
(Commentary)
Every night... They drug their watchers.

viernes, 7 de noviembre de 2025

ONE-OX vs. LITTLE KLAUS / THE LITTLE FARMER

Last month I translated a medieval fairytale (well, fairytale sensu lato: the supernatural occurrences are only tricks of the trickster hero) and gave you a preface on its more well-known variations from the Romantic period, the Golden Age of Fairytales. However, there are a few differences between the medieval One-Ox, on one hand, and, on the other, Andersen's Little Klaus and Big Klaus and the Grimms' The Little Farmer, both meant for the Victorian nursery.

After the French Revolution and the Victorian Industrial Revolutions, a nursery culture developed distinct from that of bourgeois adults. Hallmarks of the ancien régime high society such as sweets, having a sweet tooth, dressing in bright colours, toys, games, gift giving, holidays, and even fairytales went from being associated with the courtly society of the eighteenth century to being associated with children and the nursery in the Victorian era, because children were the most powerless members of Victorian bourgeois society, while adults dressed in dark colours, especially in black (except for the military and servants, some of which even wore powdered wigs!) and drank bitter beverages like coffee (on the mainland) and tea (in the British Empire). The point in which teenagers switched from hot chocolate to tea or coffee and started wearing ladies' gowns or gentlemens' suits was treated as a solemn coming-of-age ceremony at which the freshly-become adult cast aside all childish things (these facts I took from Schivelbusch's Tastes of Paradise!).

Romanticism also idealized childhood, like it idealized provincial/rural living and native tribes, believing all of these collectives to be more innocent than corrupt bourgeois society. This led to the movement's interest in folklore and traditions: crafts, holiday traditions, superstitions, and especially fairytales. While the Grimms gathered märchen from the folk, whether one of the brothers' Huguenot (French Protestant) wife or simple country folk, most of Andersen's tales (inspired by Hoffmann's works, for instance The Nutcracker, by Fouqué's Undine, etc.) were literary, though some of them, like The Little Mermaid or The Snow Queen, also contain folklore and mythological elements. And then you have Andersen's witty renditions of folktales from his childhood, your Princess on the Pea, your Emperor's New Clothes, and Andersen's own take on One-Ox, Little Klaus and Big Klaus. The Grimms' folk version, The Little Farmer, is quite similar to Little Klaus, and both tricksters' names hint at their poverty, just like One-Ox's itself. All three stories feature the same skeleton, from the trickster taking the hide of his only ox (horse in Andersen) to market - to his enemies (three of them in One-Ox: the Mayor, the Priest, and the Sheriff - only one in the Romantic versions: the Mayor in Grimm and the landowner Big Klaus in Andersen) drowning themselves after they swallow the lie that the trickster got all his pigs (sheep in Grimm) from an underwater realm. The story skeleton is Tale Type 1535.

So far we have seen the first differences, some animals change species (One-Ox's and Little Farmer's only ox becomes Little Klaus' only horse; the "aquatic" pigs acquired by One-Ox and Little Klaus become "aquatic" sheep in the Grimm version), and the trickster goes from having three enemies in One-Ox (Mayor, Priest, and Sheriff) to only one in the Romantic versions: the Mayor in Grimm and the landowner Big Klaus in Andersen. 

But there are more differences - notably, that the Romantic versions erase all the scatological (pee and poop) elements that would have been seen as disgusting in the Victorian nursery. For starters, the way One-Ox acquires his silver treasure while taking his hide to market, at the start of the story. In the medieval One-Ox, he finds the treasure while tearing up a tuft of grass to wipe his bottom after relieving himself:

Luck smiles upon him

as he enters the thick forest;

while relieving himself,

he discovers a silver treasure.

As he seeks to wipe his bottom,

tearing fistfuls of grass,

under a tuffet, he finds

what greedy people love the most.

He uncovers three bags full

of silver coins, hidden in the grass,

and soon his saddle-bag

is brimming with wealth.

In the Romantic versions, the trickster acquires his treasure in a completely different manner. En route to market, a storm forces him to take shelter in a windmill where the miller is away and his wife lets the trickster (Little Klaus or the Little Farmer) sleep in the loft and eat simple peasant fare (bread and butter in Grimm, porridge in Andersen). Suddenly there is a knock on the door and the wife's lover (the local priest in Grimm, the bellringer --the man who rings the church bells-- in Andersen) enters the mill. The wife greets him with lots of hugs and kisses and sweet words (this is a nursery tale, but the kids will be reading between the lines), producing a roast beef from inside the oven and a cake from under the bed, after which wife and lover sit down to the feast. When suddenly the wife hears the husband approaching, she hides the roast back in the oven, the cake back under the bed, and her lover in the cupboard. The miller asks his wife what's for lunch (supper in Andersen), and she offers him the same peasant fare she has offered the trickster (bread and butter in Grimm, porridge in Andersen). But of course the trickster, from the loft, has been watching the wife's love affairs and knows that there's something going on... Suddenly the hide the trickster has been taking to market (in Andersen) squeaks, or his pet crow (in Grimm) squawks, and the trickster says he has a genie in his hide (a very smart crow in Grimm), whose "words" he will be glad to "translate:" in that manner, the husband learns of the roast beef in the oven and the cake under the bed, at which point miller, wife, and trickster sit down to eat the roast and the cake (instead of porridge, or bread and butter), but the crow squawks/the hide squeaks a third time, at which point the trickster says that what his genie/crow is saying is a very dark secret that should not be known. The husband insists, and the trickster says that there's a devil (monster in more bowdlerized versions) inside the cupboard... still the miller is curious, and the trickster opens the cupboard to reveal the lover. Here Andersen says that the husband had a phobia of bellringers, but he is equally frightened in both the Andersen and Grimm versions - suggesting, though not explaining, since this is a nursery tale, that he had a suspicion that his wife was having an affair with the priest/bellringer. The trickster has to take the lover away, and it is the lover who gives him all that silver (gold in Andersen) as a reward:

Grimm:

Then the wife had to give up the keys (to the cabinet), and the Little Farmer unlocked the cabinet. The priest ran out as fast as he could, and the miller said, " I saw the Black Fellow (devil/monster, actually his wife's lover) with my own eyes. It was true."

The next morning at crack of dawn the Little Farmer quickly made off the with the three hundred talers (silver coins), which the priest gave him.

At home the Little Farmer gradually began to prosper. He built a nicer house, and the villagers said, "The Little Farmer has certainly been to the place where golden snow falls and people carry money home by the bushel."

Andersen:

The miller (husband) opened the cabinet a very little way, and peeped in.

“Oh,” cried he, springing backwards, “I saw him (devil/monster), and he is exactly like our bellringer! How dreadful it is!” So after that he was obliged to drink again, and they sat and drank (alcohol) till far into the night.

“You must sell your genie to me,” said the miller; “ask as much as you like, I will pay it; indeed I would give you directly a whole bushel of gold.”

“No, indeed, I cannot,” said Little Claus; “only think how much profit I could make out of this genie.”

“But I should like to have him,” said the husband, still continuing his entreaties.

“Well,” said Little Claus at length, “you have been so good as to give me a night’s lodging, I will not refuse you; you shall have the genie for a whole bushel of money, but I will have quite full measure.”

“So you shall,” said the husband; “but you must take away the cabinet as well. I would not have it in the house another hour; there is no knowing if he may not be still there.”

So Little Claus gave the miller the sack containing the dried horse’s hide, and received in exchange a bushel of gold—full measure. The husband also gave him a wheelbarrow on which to carry away the cabinet and the gold.

“Farewell,” said Little Claus, as he went off with his money and the great cabinet, in which the wife's lover lay still concealed. On the other side of the forest was a broad, deep river, the water flowed so rapidly that very few were able to swim against the stream. A new bridge had lately been built across it, and in the middle of this bridge Little Claus stopped, and said, loud enough to be heard by the bellringer, “Now what shall I do with this stupid chest; it is as heavy as if it were full of stones: I shall be tired if I roll it any further, so I may as well throw it in the river; if it swims after me to my house, well and good, and if not, it will not much matter.”

So he seized the cabinet in his hands and lifted it up a little, as if he were going to throw it into the water.

“No, leave it alone,” cried the bellringer from inside the cabinet; “let me out first.”

“Oh,” exclaimed Little Claus, pretending to be frightened, “he is in there still, is he? I must throw him into the river, that he may be drowned.”

“Oh, no; oh, no,” cried the bellringer; “I will give you a whole bushel full of gold,  if you will let me go.”

“Why, that is another matter,” said Little Claus, opening the cabinet. The bellringer crept out, pushed the empty chest into the water, and went to his house, then he measured out a whole bushelful of gold for Little Claus, who had already received one from the miller, so that now he had two bushels, a wheelbarrow full.

Similarly, the whole episode about the silver-pooping mare in One-Ox is absent in both Andersen and Grimm:

The once-poor One-Ox

grabs a handful of his silver,

and succeeds to trick the armed host.

He draws his mare from the stables,

lifts her tail quite high,

and shoves all the silver coins

into the mare's rectum.

He makes the horse stand

in the middle of his cottage,

and then spreads

a white linen over her back.

His three enemies,

standing outside, threatening him,

witness a miraculous event.

Standing on the threshold,

they want to kill One-Ox,

yet they're all frozen in place,

surprised by the new event.

They observe One-Ox

working over some silver;

as he rubs the mare's flanks,

he brings forth a great sum.

"What is this, One-Ox!?

Why is this beast clearly

producing so much silver for you,

and astounding the three of us?"

One-Ox replies cautiously:

"See all these silver coins?

This beast's intestines produce

silver in lieu of worthless dung.

Every night she pours out

such sums, such high amounts,

that Cybele, Queen of Money,

is surely enthroned upon her anus."

Once the trio have seen the money

and heard the story,

their anger instantly abates

and they say to One-Ox:

"Enjoy your good fortune

and sell us this precious beast!

If so, we will end our feud

once we've bought these swollen flanks!"

One-Ox, full of tricks,

replies to the trio of friends:

"It's not easy to give away

such a source of wealth for free.

There's a wonderful treasure

inside the belly of this beast;

surely, for bestowing such gifts,

she is not exactly cheap."

"If you wish to delight yourself

further in your great fortune,

dear One-Ox, no longer tarry

selling this mare to us!"

The crafty One-Ox replies

to the three nincompoops:

"I'll sell you three my noble beast,

but not at a small price.

You've seen what she has produced,

how much silver she has showered.

If you want coffers full of silver,

you have to pay the price!

Give me fifteen pounds sterling,

if you may be so kind.

In a short time, she will repay your debt

in cash instead of excrement."

After paying One-Ox

the fifteen pounds sterling,

the trio lead the mare

with a rope for a leash,

greedily guarding her.

The Priest speaks eagerly:

"You two must listen to me!

I want to be the first

to lead this beast into my stables!

Since I am the first in the parish church,

I shall have the mare first.

At dawn I'll collect the fifteen pounds

that I owe One-Ox.

I shall have her the first night,

you, Sheriff, the second,

and you, Mayor, the third,

according to the scales of equity."

"So mote it be," says the Sheriff.

"So mote it be," replies the Mayor.

"This is a gentlemen's agreement.

Let us be patient."

(All three men only get "horse-apples" from the mare, leading them, in their fury, to try to assassinate One-Ox. This episode is entirely absent in both Andersen and Grimm!)

For this same reason, the most scatological fairytales in Basile's Pentamerone, like The Cockroach, the Rat, and the Cricket, were never translated into English in the Victorian era, and were only Englished first in the twentieth century, when sensibilities had changed and it was understood that children actually like (even love) toilet humour (like in Captain Underpants, some Swedish Bellman jokes, Bart Simpson's humour, and nowadays every DreamWorks film has to contain at least one scatological gag - no surprise that DreamWorks adapted Captain Underpants!).


jueves, 9 de diciembre de 2021

WOLFGANG SCHIVELBUSCH ON DRUGLORE

WOLFGANG SCHIVELBUSCH ON DRUGLORE - THE PHYSIOLOGICAL GROUNDS FOR THE MOTIF OF THE POISONED CUP



To visit a pub is to step into another world. For there the abstract law of exchange is suspended, at least in part. It's not that customers don't have to pay for drinks. The barkeeper is in business, after all. But somehow the rules of the outside world don't govern here. 


Mass Observation, a sociological study undertaken in England in the 1930s, documents the drinking behavior of twentieth-century pubs and describes a typical scene. On a Sunday afternoon three men sit at a bar, each nursing a drink that he has paid for himself. A fourth man enters, and after ordering a drink and half-emptying his glass, he calls to the bartender to order drinks for all four. They begin a conversation, and after a while one of the other men orders another round. Two of the men who have not yet paid for a round are unemployed, but one of them orders the third round. When the drinks are placed before the group, the second of the two unemployed men leaves the pub, signaling his intent to return by leaving his glass half-empty. When he returns five minutes later, he finishes his drink and orders another four drinks. Now the round is complete. Later he confesses that he really did not want to be part of the round because he was short of money. He had to go home to get money because he felt he couldn't excuse himself from the round. From personal experience everyone recognizes this unspoken obligation to participate in rounds of drinks regardless of whether he's in the mood or not, and even when he can't really afford it. Not to go along with it would be to lose face. Yet this sort of obligation holds true only in bars, pubs, and such locales, and only in connection with alcoholic drinks. The idea of such a thing happening in a restaurant would be absurd. What is natural in a bar or public house is meaningless on the outside. 


Drinking, then, is apparently a special human activity, or, to quote from the Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens [Dictionary of German Superstition], article "Trinken", "the superstitious ideas and customs that center around the activity of drinking are to be understood as remnants of older magical, cultic actions and manifestations of belief." 


But why should it be drinking to which these primordial notions have remained so strongly attached rather than eating solids, which is certainly as essential to life? 


In the first place, archaic magical interpretations saw drinking and eating as equally conflicting processes. On the one hand, a person who consumes and incorporates things becomes their master. But on the other hand, the consumer thereby delivers themself up to them, in a sense succumbs to them. For things have lives of their own. The plants and animals a person eats (aside from cannibalism) continue to have an effect within the consumer, indeed work either with or against them, depending on whether they are well or ill disposed toward the consumer. 


What makes drinking more important than eating solids is the fact that here the individual life or soul of a thing is being directly assimilated. In magical thinking every fluid symbolizes blood, and the blood or sap -vital fluid- of an animal or a plant is its soul. This accounts for the taboo against the presence of blood in food of most cultures, our own included. The Christian Eucharist still contains an echo of this identification of blood with the soul.

Because of this direct connection drinking had something menacing about it for primitive humans. As one drinks, one assimilates the soul of something else and one loses their own soul in proportion to their drinking. Wine is the classical instance of this. The person intoxicated by wine no longer possesses their own soul, but is filled by that of the wine, that is, the wine god.

Like most magical conceptions, this one too has a grain of physiological truth to it. Liquid imbibed enters the bloodstream faster than solid foods. The effect for any given drink is more rapid, more immediately observable. And the custom of adding poison to drink has an actual physiological basis as well as the magical one. The poisoned drink is as old as humankind's drinking culture and drinking magic itself. In magical lore every drink is potentially poisoned or, to put it in more general terms, a threat, in that it might embody a soul hostile to the drinker.

Through history drinking rituals have evolved, aimed at neutralizing this menacing aspect. Drinking rituals are communal so that all will feel safe and be able to keep a watchful eye on one another. The king's taster, whose duty it was to test every drink set before his lord for poison, was a variant on this communal drinking, revealing its purpose explicitly.

The oldest and most important drinking ritual is the toast. In making their toasts the drinkers vow reciprocal friendship, goodwill, and good intentions, using traditional stock formulas. One such eleventh-century drinking oath goes: "Let the cups be brought and let us drink to health, drink after me and drink to me, drink to the full, drink half the cup and I shall drink to you." Another toast from the thirteenth century ran: "I drink to you, now drink as much as I do." In a sense, the drink itself was consecrated by these formulas, thus ceasing to be a threat. On the contrary, it became a guarantee and symbol of communality, friendship, and fraternity for those who were drinking. Toasting in archaic societies assumed proportions scarcely imaginable today. Even in the sixteenth century all drinking binges necessarily ended in the total inebriation of all participants, since it would have been an unheard-of breach of drinking etiquette for any member to quit sooner. In drinking etiquette it is taboo not to accept a proffered drink or, for that matter, not to reciprocate. 

Communal drinking is, as has already been suggested here, characterized by a remarkable ambivalence. On the one hand, it creates fraternity among drinkers, on the other this relationship is marked by mutual caution, obligation, and competitiveness, which make it seem far less than friendly. In an instant the bond can be broken and turned into its opposite, should the basic rule be violated. Anyone who refuses a drink offered him in a workers' bar may well find themself in the middle of a brawl; if one does not in turn offer a round, one makes a fool of oneself. Once one is a participant in a round of drinks, one cannot suddenly of their own accord back out. As the scene cited at the start of this chapter shows, one must observe certain rules, even if one is not in the mood. Behavioural sociologists determined from actual observation how ironclad these rules are, unwritten though they may be: "Once the proclamation is made that rounds have begun, it is incumbent upon the members of a group to participate regardless of individual preferences. One cannot demand that they pay for one's own drink and one's own drink only. If one of the members of the group must leave immediately after their first drink, they will usually state that they will stand the first round, being unavailable to stand any subsequent round. Although paying for more drinks than he will be consuming during the course of his stay may be economically unfair to him, it is required that either the other participants in the group accept his offer or that some other member volunteer to take the first round and allow the soon-to-be-departing member's drink to be defined as a gift drink. For example, if one member requests the first round because he must leave and his offer is declined, it is typically declined by someone saying, 'No, let me get the first round, and I'll treat you to a drink.' Once rounds have begun, each member of the group in turn is obligated to stand at least one round. Thus, if a group is composed of four members, rounds must continue for at least four drinks, after which another set of rounds may begin or the participants may begin purchasing their drinks on an individual basis. When rounds have started, the original
group members typically remain together, at least until they have purchased their round, since each member of the group is obligated to purchase one round. Sometimes a member of the original group who has stood their round will move to some other part of the bar, but members of the original group who are yet to stand a round must still include that member even though he or she is no longer physically part of the group. And the defector, in turn, must at least by gesture acknowledge each subsequent drink received from the group, thus maintaining social contact at least until the termination of the rounds." 

The above-mentioned study Mass Observation notes how far, indeed how deep into realms of the unconscious, the feeling of fraternity within a group of drinkers extends. Members of rounds will empty their glasses almost at the same time, and often the levels of the liquid in the glasses will vary by no more than half an inch. The variations are most marked when the glasses are less than half full. They begin at the same time and finish at the same, or almost the same, time. The study relates an impressive example of this telepathic sense of community by reporting about a group of four men of whom one is blind. All sit at a table and order their beer. As soon as the glasses are served, they all raise them to their lips and drink for about four seconds, each returning his glass to the table at the same time. Each, including the blind man, has emptied exactly a quarter of the glass. The next few times they drink in shorter gulps, sometimes the blind man first, sometimes the other three, without any noticeable pattern. But, at the end, they all finish their drinks with a variation of between a quarter and a half inch of beer remaining. 

 The rules and rituals that accompany drinking in a bar or pub survive in our modern civilization as relics from a long-forgotten age. The public house or bar, in fact, may be termed a sort of preserve, in which archaic behavior patterns that have all but vanished from other spheres of life are kept alive. To fully understand the meaning of drinking rituals, one must recall these age-old modes of conduct, mechanisms, and rituals, and their social function. This archaic practice which is perpetuated in drinking rituals is known in anthropology as a potlatch. The potlatch is a kind of sacrificial offering, not to the divinity, but to other human beings. In the potlatch valuable objects are either destroyed in the presence of members of another tribe (a destruction potlatch) or given to them (a gift potlatch). From a modern, rationalistic point of view this process seems senseless, but for primitive societies it has, as the French anthropologist and sociologist Marcel Mauss discovered, an absolutely central social importance: "The motive for these excessive gifts and this reckless consumption, the senseless loss and destruction of property is in no way unselfishly motivated. Among chieftains, vassals, and followers a hierarchy is established by means of these gifts. Giving is a way of demonstrating one's superiority, of showing that one is greater, that one stands higher . . .; to accept, without reciprocating or giving more in return, means subordinating oneself, becoming a vassal and follower, sinking deeper."

Even today traces survive of this original sense of gift giving. Anyone who gives a gift, treats, or invites another is the superior and more powerful person. The recipient, of course, has the advantage of receiving something of value without paying for it; but on the other hand the recipient does pay for it, precisely by being left the passive receiver. For this reason it is mostly children, especially young children—those who in our society personify powerlessness and passivity—who are given gifts (by adults, often their parents or guardians). The German expression for reciprocating a gift, sich revanchieren, contains a word closely linked to "revenge," a reminder that every gift basically entails an assault on the autonomy of the receiver. This is exactly what Nietzsche, that great unmasker of fair appearances, meant by calling gratitude a form of revenge: expressing thanks when one has received a favor or a present gives an immaterial counterpresent, so to speak, a formula by which the recipient attempts to neutralize or, more accurately, to avenge, the incursion into their existence the gift represents. 

 Yet these are only lingering traces of the older meaning that gift giving, gift receiving, and the exchange of presents once had. With the capitalist principle of exchange, this mechanism has generally lost its power in our daily lives. 

It is only in the context of alcohol drinking that it still survives with any degree of vigour. In a sense, the bar is a thoroughly archaic place, with more than mere vestiges, hints, or sublimations of what once was clinging to it. Here the genuine article lives on: drinkers sharing rounds are participants in a potlatch. With the instinctive sureness of migratory birds they follow the rules and rituals of offering and reciprocating, without an inkling of their ancient origins. Assisting them in this, of course, is the alcohol itself, around which everything revolves. It washes away the newer, "civilized" levels of consciousness, exposing the archaic level where intoxication, fraternity, and competition merge as spontaneously as they might have in a drinking bout five hundred, a thousand, or three thousand years ago. 



(From Chapter 6 of Tastes of ParadiseA Social History of Spices, Stimulants, and Intoxicants)

Eine andere Quelle, dass ich konsultieren will ist:

Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Göttingen
Narkotika9.1187-1194Schwibbe, Gudrun

miércoles, 9 de enero de 2019

MAIS... UN NARCOTIQUE DANS LE CAFÉ? IRONIE!

FRANÇOIS FLAHAULT
LA PENSÉE DES CONTES 


C'est bien lui, c'est bien elle



À la recherche de l'époux disparu

Dans les contes du type À la recherche de l'époux disparu, très répandus en Europe et même en Asie,

Une nuit, voici qu'elle n'entend plus le ronflement de cochon de son mari. Elle approche une bougie: "Oh ! mon chéri, comme tu es beau !" s'exclame-t-elle. Son époux lui demande de garder le secret de son heureuse métamorphose. Plusieurs jours passent. Sa belle-mère, la voyant si contente, I'interroge à maintes reprises, de sorte qu'à la fin la jeune femme ne peut s'empêcher de lui dire le secret de son mari. "Malheureuse, tu m'as trahi, je vais te quitter", lui annonce le roi-cochon. "Et si tu veux me retrouver, il te faudra user sept paires de sabots de bois et sept paires de sabots de fer." Le lendemain, l'héroïne achète les chaussures nécessaires et se met en route. Un soir, alors qu'elle a déjà usé quatre paires, elle demande asile à une femme. "Je veux bien, mais mon mari pourrait vous manger." L'ogre rentre. "Ne lui fais pas de mal, lui dit la dame, c'est la femme du roi-cochon." Et l'ogre lui donne une noix magique. Après plusieurs mois de marche, l'héroïne arrive chez un frère de l'ogre, et tout se passe comme la première fois. Elle parvient enfin chez le troisième frère, le plus terrible, mais qui lui aussi se laisse amadouer, lui annonce que son mari va bientôt se remarier, et l'aide à atteindre le château où il réside. "Justement, lui dit-on, on cherche quelqu'un pour laver la vaisselle." Le soir de la noce, elle casse la première noix, en sort une robe de soie et la revêt. La nouvelle épouse la voit et veut la lui acheter. "Je ne demande pas d'argent, lui est-il répondu, mais je veux que vous me laissiez passer la nuit auprès de votre mari." Marché accepté - mais la nouvelle épouse verse un narcotique dans le café du roi-cochon ! De toute la nuit, l'héroïne ne parvient pas à le réveiller. Le soir suivant, c'est une robe d'argent qui sort de la seconde noix, et la même scène se répète, sans plus de résultats. Au cours de la journée du lendemain, une personne qui dormait dans la chambre voisine avertit le roi-cochon: "Qu'est-ce qui se passe dans votre chambre ? Toute la nuit, j'ai entendu une femme vous parler, se rappeler à vous." Le soir venu, lorsque l'héroïne, après avoir vendu une troisième robe, gagne la chambre de son ancien mari, celui-ci (il s'est arrangé pour ne pas boire son café) l'attend bien éveillé, et les époux tombent dans les bras l'un de l'autre. Le lendemain, l'homme annonce qu'il repart chez lui avec sa vraie femme.

Mais dans cette version française des Hautes-Alpes donnée comme example, ce qui m'a étonné le plus est que la nouvelle épouse verse son narcotique dans le café du roi-mari. Ça est parfois de l'ironie, hein? Dans beaucoup de versions c'est du vin ou de l'eau-de-vie, du lait chaud ou de l'infusion de tilleul... mais jamais du café qui a l'effet contraire!

Les motifs de la peau animale amovible, de l'écart à maintenir entre relation de sang et d'alliance, ainsi que celui des trois robes merveilleuses acquises par l'héroïne de La Recherche de l'époux nous ramènent au conte de Peau-d'âne. Essayons de préciser les relations qu'entretiennent ces deux types de contes. Une analogie générale : un premier temps centré sur le court-circuit (et, dans nombre de versions des deux types de contes, ce court-circuit équivaut au non-respect de l'écart entre relations de sang et d'alliance). Cet écart n'étant pas maintenu, la distance entre les deux termes qu'il devrait séparer se reproduit sous une forme à la fois différente et radicale. Ce qui conduit, dans un second temps, à un processus de médiation. 
Mais aussi des relations de transformation précises: l'autre héroïne voit au contraire son époux la fuir parce qu'elle n'a pu éviter la transgression. Du coup, la peau animale change elle aussi de fonction, car, si dans les deux cas l'un des personnages ne peut être tout à l'autre, l'apparence animale est ce que Peau-d'Ane revêt pour rétablir cet écart, alors que cette apparence animale est ce que perd l'époux du fait même du court-circuit. Quant aux trois robes merveilleuses, elles constituent bien de part et d'autre le prix payé par l'un des personnages pour se rapprocher de l'autre. Tandis que dans La Recherche de l'époux, l'héroïne cède à la seconde femme de son mari ce qui se vend à grand prix pour retrouver ainsi ce qui ne s'achète pas. ... dans l'autre (cas), il est du côté de la seconde femme, qui cède au mirage des robes merveilleuses. Dans les deux contes, donc, l'éclat séducteur de l'image joue un rôle. Non pas celui d'une simple apparence destinée à être dépassée et disqualifiée par la réalité vraie (le paganisme des contes les éloignent de la morale ascétique). Mais celui d'un bien visible dont il est légitime de jouir dès lors qu'il respecte les liens invisibles qui définissent les places et les identités. Ainsi, dans l'écart entre ces deux versants, visible et invisible (imaginaire et symbolique) se déploie un processus de reconnaissance, une médiation dans laquelle opère le discernement.

Chaussures et médiation 

Nous avons vu que dans sa longue marche, l'héroïne à la recherche de son époux disparu doit - c'est un motif très fréquent - user plusieurs paires de chaussures de fer. Ici, les chaussures ne servent plus à relier, comme dans Cendrillon, apparences et réalité, mais deux lieux séparés par une distance immense.
Je me souviens d'avoir lu, étant enfant, une version du conte comportant ce motif (dans un recueil de contes roumains édité pour la jeunesse). Je pouvais, bien sûr, imaginer des parcours plus longs que ceux que j'avais moi-même effectués, mais une marche tellement prolongée qu'elle vienne à bout de plusieurs paires de chaussures et, qui plus est, en fer ! Voilà qui invitait à imaginer l'inimaginable ; plaisant vertige auquel les contes (ou d'autres formes de récits) nous engagent volontiers. Nouvel exemple de la nécessité de distinguer entre deux formes de désirabilité: d'une part, désir de l'héroïne de rejoindre son époux; ce désir se communique aux auditeurs ou aux lecteurs du conte qui, eux aussi, souhaitent que "ça s'arrange". D'autre part, une désirabilité qui est assumée directement par le lecteur : une si longue marche est une grande souffrance pour le personnage qui l'accomplit, mais pour le lecteur, l'immensité de la distance à parcourir est comme une image de l'immensité de son propre espace psychique, de sorte qu'elle se traduit par une dilatation de son être et un plaisir d'imagination.
La distance même qui sépare deux lieux ou deux états, fût-elle déchirante, ou plutôt parce qu'elle est déchirante, vaut comme figure de complétude, comme figuration d'un point d'excès. Elle fait plaisir pour autant qu'elle donne place, dans cet espace partagé qu'est l'énonciation du récit, à une part de nous-même qui, autrement, ne trouve guère à s'exprimer que par la voie du symptôme.
Cet étrange plaisir témoigne sans doute de ceci: les rapports entre ce que j'ai appelé court-circuit et médiation ne se réduisent pas à une simple opposition; il semble en effet que celle-ci implique celui-là, comme si l'énergie engagée dans la médiation (la médiation figurée à l'intérieur du conte mais aussi celle que constitue l'énonciation même du conte) avait pour source celle qui résulte du court-circuit. L'idée d'une équivalence énergétique entre les deux processus s'impose également lorsque l'on compare La Recherche de l'époux aux Souliers usés à la danse. On y voit en effet la médiation (la tâche impossible) et le court-circuit (la précipitation compulsive) échanger leurs places d'un conte à l'autre comme si celles-ci étaient équivalentes:

A LA RECHERCHE DE L'ÉPOUX
L'héroïne ne peut s'empêcher de
percer et/ou transmettre le secret de
son époux.
Elle le perdra si elle enfreint
cette condition.
Elle doit, tâche impossible,
user ses chaussures.
Pour entendre sa femme, 
il doit suivre le conseil d'un tiers et ne pas absorber de soporifique. 

Si, dans La Recherche de l'époux, la reconnaissance ne s'opère pas au moyen d'une tessère mais, comme nous le verrons plus loin, par ce qu'on pourrait appeler une communication indirecte, l'image de la tessère est cependant évoquée dans un motif par lequel, fréquemment, se clôt le récit. Ce ne sont pas la chaussure ou l'anneau qui, alors, fonctionnent comme tessère, mais la clé. Après la nuit où l'épouse est enfin parvenue à se faire entendre de son mari, celui-ci adresse ces paroles aux parents de sa seconde femme:

 “ Si vous aviez fait faire une clé pour en remplacer une perdue, et si vous retrouviez ensuite la première, de laquelle vous serviriez-vous, de l'ancienne ou de la nouvelle ?
 — De l'ancienne.
 — Eh bien, moi, j'avais une femme et je la perdis; j'en pris une autre et, à cette heure, j'ai retrouvé la première : c'est celle-là que je garde.” (Je cite le texte d'une version de Gascogne, in C.P.F., II, 81. Dans une version bretonne déjà citée, Le Loup-lévrier, le héros oppose "une chaussure en bon état à laquelle le pied est habitué" à "une chaussure neuve que l'on ne connaît pas" (D. Laurent, ouvrage cité, p. 98).)

La "vraie" clé est donc supposée mieux correspondre à la serrure que la nouvelle. La parabole employée est fondée sur une analogie explicite entre la relation clé/serrure et femme/mari (et non pas, comme un symbolisme sommaire nous y aurait préparés, sur une analogie entre clé et homme, femme et serrure). La métaphore placée dans la bouche de l'époux fait songer à certaines de celles qu'emploie un personnage du Banquet de Platon pour parler des relations entre les deux moitiés de l'homme primitif, coupé en deux par Zeus : "Chacun de nous, dit Aristophane, est fraction complémentaire, tessère (en grec, sumbolon), et coupé comme il l'a été, une manière de carrelet, le dédoublement d'une chose unique: il s'ensuit que chacun est constamment en quête de la fraction complémentaire, de la tessère de lui-même." (Banquet, 192 d.)
C'est donc par l'image d'une sorte de sumbolon que le mari évoque le lien qui l'unit à sa "moitié". Mais ce n'est nullement par la seule vertu de la correspondance qui existerait entre eux comme entre clé et serrure que les époux se sont retrouvés : c'est grâce à une série de médiations. En ce sens, les contes où intervient la question de la reconnaissance diffèrent radicalement de ce que donne à penser le discours d'Aristophane. Celuici, en effet, ne conçoit pas l'intervention d'un tiers médiateur comme étant une condition sine qua non des retrouvailles. Si, à la suite de J.-P. Vernant, on écrit ainsi le compte de la totalisation selon Aristophane: 1/2 + 1/2 = 1, on constatera que pour les contes la formation du couple exige, en plus des deux "moitiés", l'addition d'une unité tierce. Pour Platon lui-même, la formule d'Aristophane est inexacte, car union sexuelle implique procréation, ce que Vernant résume par la formule: 1 + 1 = 3. Quant à la forme d'accomplissement que préconise le philosophe à la place de celui auquel aspire l'Aristophane du Banquet, on pourrait le formuler ainsi : 1 + 1 = 1.

La communication indirecte (parole qui sépare, parole qui réunit) 
Venons-en aux motifs par lesquels, dans les contes du type À la recherche de l'époux disparu, s'accomplit la reconnaissance. Ces motifs, je l'ai dit, ne s'appuient pas sur la figure du sumbolon, mais sur d'autres, plus complexes. Complétons d'abord le dossier en présentant un autre type de contes, L'Épouse substituée, dont l'un des deux sous-types fait intervenir la séquence où la femme cherche à se faire entendre de son époux endormi. Je résume le motif dans ce sous-type d'après une version recueillie à Plouaret en 1869.
Bientôt, Lévénès se marie à un gentilhomme et donne naissance à un fils. Le mari, trompé par l'obscurité, désire dormir auprès de celle qu'il croit être son épouse. La nuit venue, la cane vient voltiger autour du berceau et adresse ses plaintes au nourrisson. L'homme a absorbé à son insu un soporifique: il n'entend rien, ... La troisième nuit, la cane revient voleter au-dessus de son enfant: "C'est la dernière fois que je viens te voir, et ton père dort encore..." Mais celui-ci n'a pas bu le soporifique que lui destinait la marâtre, il se lève, ... Margot et sa mère sont punies.

... la femme métamorphosée en cane, Luzel, t. III

I


...



... LA FEMME MÉTAMORPHOSÉE EN CANE
_____

Selaouit holl, mar hoc’h eus c’hoant,
Setu aman eur gaozic koant,
Ha na eus en-hi netra gaou,
Mès, marteze, eur gir pe daou.

Écoutez, si vous voulez,
Voici un joli petit conte,
Dans lequel il n’y a pas de mensonge,
Si ce n’est, peut-être, un mot ou deux.

Heureusement, qu’elle se maria, peu après, à un jeune gentilhomme du pays, qui l’emmena avec lui à son château, et la marâtre et sa fille faillirent en mourir de dépit et de jalousie.

Voilà donc la jeune mère devenue cane, sur l’étang, pendant que la belle Margot occupait sa place, dans son lit, et faisait fermer toutes les fenêtres de la chambre. 
Lorsque le mari vint au lit de sa femme, demander de ses nouvelles, il trouva toutes les fenêtres closes.
— Comment êtes-vous, mon petit cœur ? lui demanda-t-il.
— Merde ! lui répondit une voix grossière, avec une puanteur insupportable.
— Hélas ! s’écria-t-il, ma pauvre femme est bien malade ; elle délire. Ouvrez les fenêtres, belle-mère, pour que je puisse la voir, car on ne voit goutte ici.
— La lumière lui ferait mal, dit la sage-femme, gagnée par la marâtre. et direz au mari qu’elle est malade et ne peut supporter la lumière.

Voilà le mari désolé. Il ne veut quitter sa femme, ni le jour ni la nuit ; il couche dans la même chambre qu’elle, mais, on lui donne un soporifique, et il dort comme un rocher.
Pendant que tout le monde dormait au château, à l’exception de la nourrice, qui veillait près du berceau, la dame-mère arriva par la fenêtre, qu’on avait ouverte pour renouveler l’air. Elle était sous la forme d’une cane, et se mit à voltiger autour du berceau, en disant :
—... Et ton père, hélas ! qui est là couché, à côté de celle qui a pris ma place, l’ignore et ne m’entend pas. Hélas ! hélas !...
Quand le mari s’éveilla, le lendemain matin, il demanda à celle qu’il croyait toujours être sa femme comment elle se trouvait. Mais, elle lui répondit encore par une grossièreté, et sa douleur n’en fit que s’accroître.
Avant de se mettre au lit, le mari but encore un soporifique, sans le savoir, et il dormit aussi profondément que la veille.
A l’heure où tout dormait, dans le château, la cane arriva encore dans la chambre ... et fit entendre les mêmes plaintes :
— Hélas ! ... ton père dort encore et ne m’entend pas ! Je viendrai encore, demain soir, pour la dernière fois, et si l’on ne me retire pas ..., il me faudra te quitter, toi et ton père, et pour toujours !
Et elle s’en alla encore, après avoir longtemps voltigé autour du berceau.
La nourrice vit et entendit tout, comme la veille, et se dit en elle-même :
— Arrive que pourra, il faut que je prévienne le maître de ce qui se passe ici ; mon cœur ne peut rester insensible aux plaintes de cette cane ; il y a là-dessous quelque mystère.
Le lendemain matin, quand le père vint voir son enfant, elle lui dit donc :
— J’ai quelque chose sur le cœur, que je veux vous déclarer. Vous ne savez pas ce qui se passe ici, la nuit.
— Quoi donc, nourrice ? Parlez, je vous prie.
On vous fait boire un soporifique, au moment de vous coucher, et vous n’entendez rien de ce qui se dit et se passe autour de vous ; on vous trompe, et celle que vous croyez être votre femme est Margot, la fille de la marâtre ...
Je me doutais bien, dit le mari, qu’il se passait quelque chose de mystérieux, au château ; mais, cette nuit, je ne boirai pas le soporifique et je serai sur mes gardes, et nous verrons bien.
Le soir, quand l’heure fut venue de se coucher, la marâtre versa encore le soporifique au mari. Il feignit de le boire, comme précédemment, et le jeta sous la table, sans qu’on s’en aperçût.
Vers minuit, quand tout le monde dormait, au château, excepté lui et la nourrice, la cane arriva encore, par la fenêtre, dans la chambre ... et parla ainsi :
— C'est pour la dernière fois, ... que je viens te voir, sous cette forme, et ton père dort encore, sans doute...
A ces mots, celui-ci sauta hors du lit, où il feignait de dormir, et s’écria :
— Non, je ne dors pas, cette fois !
Et il prit la cane, qui voltigeait au-dessus du berceau ..., et aussitôt elle revint à sa forme première et se jeta sur le berceau, pour embrasser son enfant.
— Allumez de la lumière, nourrice, et appelez la marâtre ! cria le mari.
La méchante vint ; mais, quand elle vit la tournure que prenaient les choses, elle voulut s’enfuir avec sa fille.
Holà ! s’écria le jeune seigneur, en voyant cela, attendez un peu, car chacun doit être payé selon ses œuvres.
Et il fit chauffer un four à blanc et l’on y jeta la marâtre et sa fille.
Quant à l'épouse vraie, elle vécut heureuse, le reste de ses jours, avec son mari et ses enfants.

Recueilli à Plouaret, janvier 1869.

Dans le conte de L'Épouse substituée aussi bien que dans La Recherche de l'époux, l'essentiel est de se faire entendre de celui qui dort, ce qui n'est possible que par la médiation d'un tiers qui l'avertit. Ce motif revient avec insistance dans ces deux contes, mais aussi dans quelques autres: L'Oiseau bleu de Mme d'Aulnoy ; ...

Maintenant que nous avons une vue d'ensemble des variations sur le thème de ce que j'ai appelé la communication indirecte, dégageons-en les traits essentiels. On peut en distinguer trois : 

1 - C'est grâce à la médiatioin d'un tiers que l'héroïne est tirée de l'état douloureux où elle est retranchée de l'humanité et coupée des liens vitaux qui l'attachent à une autre personne. 
2 - L'héroïne ne se sait pas entendue par celui dont l'intervention sera décisive. 
3 - Au moyen de ses robes merveilleuses ou d'autres objets précieux, l'héroïne achète ce qui ne se vend pas.

3. Acheter ce qui ne se vend pas 

On se souvient que si l'héroïne de La Recherche de l'époux disparu parvient à passer trois nuits auprès de son ancien mari, c'est parce qu'elle a acquis ce droit auprès de la nouvelle épouse en lui cédant ses trois robes merveilleuses. On se souvient également que dans le sous-type A de L'Épouse substituée, l'héroïne envoie quelqu'un vendre à la marâtre un objet précieux, le prix demandé étant précisément les yeux qui lui avaient été arrachés et qu'elle recouvre ainsi. 
C'est là un trait nouveau ; il ne se ramène pas au sumbolon. Ce curieux marché où de l'aliénable est échangé contre de l'inaliénable - un motif que l'on retrouve dans bien d'autres contes - est l'opérateur d'un renversement dans le cadre d'un rapport de forces entre deux personnages. Je me borne donc ici à en indiquer la logique générale.
Dans toute transaction marchande, chacune des parties prenantes risque de n'être qu'un moyen pour l'autre. Celui qui espère "posséder" l'autre peut bien devenir, en fin de compte, celui qui "s'est fait avoir". Dans le motif qui nous intéresse, le perdant est celui qui ne comprend pas que, de cette transaction apparemment marchande, son partenaire escompte un profit d'une tout autre nature : il ne s'agit pas pour lui de ce qu'il a, mais de ce qu'il est. C'est l'intégrité de sa personne ou de son corps qui est en jeu. La future perdante accepte le marché parce qu'elle croit y gagner : ce qu'elle acquiert est un bien précieux, alors que ce qu'elle donne ne lui coûte guère (d'autant plus qu'elle triche, faisant absorber un somnifère à son mari pour qu'il ne se passe rien entre lui et la femme qui viendra à son chevet). De même dans le cas où la marâtre acquiert des objets en or contre des yeux qui ne lui servent à rien.
En revanche, lorsque la femme à la recherche de son mari sacrifie elle aussi ses trois robes merveilleuses, elle y gagne puisque, grâce à ce marché, elle finit par se faire entendre de son époux.



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POST SCRIPTUM - WOLFGANG SCHIVELBUSCH ON DRUGLORE - THE PHYSIOLOGICAL GROUNDS FOR THE MOTIF OF THE POISONED CUP



To visit a pub is to step into another world. For there the abstract law of exchange is suspended, at least in part. It's not that customers don't have to pay for drinks. The barkeeper is in business, after all. But somehow the rules of the outside world don't govern here. 


Mass Observation, a sociological study undertaken in England in the 1930s, documents the drinking behavior of twentieth-century pubs and describes a typical scene. On a Sunday afternoon three men sit at a bar, each nursing a drink that he has paid for himself. A fourth man enters, and after ordering a drink and half-emptying his glass, he calls to the bartender to order drinks for all four. They begin a conversation, and after a while one of the other men orders another round. Two of the men who have not yet paid for a round are unemployed, but one of them orders the third round. When the drinks are placed before the group, the second of the two unemployed men leaves the pub, signaling his intent to return by leaving his glass half-empty. When he returns five minutes later, he finishes his drink and orders another four drinks. Now the round is complete. Later he confesses that he really did not want to be part of the round because he was short of money. He had to go home to get money because he felt he couldn't excuse himself from the round. From personal experience everyone recognizes this unspoken obligation to participate in rounds of drinks regardless of whether he's in the mood or not, and even when he can't really afford it. Not to go along with it would be to lose face. Yet this sort of obligation holds true only in bars, pubs, and such locales, and only in connection with alcoholic drinks. The idea of such a thing happening in a restaurant would be absurd. What is natural in a bar or public house is meaningless on the outside. 


Drinking, then, is apparently a special human activity, or, to quote from the Handwörterbuch des deutschen Aberglaubens [Dictionary of German Superstition], article "Trinken", "the superstitious ideas and customs that center around the activity of drinking are to be understood as remnants of older magical, cultic actions and manifestations of belief." 


But why should it be drinking to which these primordial notions have remained so strongly attached rather than eating solids, which is certainly as essential to life? 


In the first place, archaic magical interpretations saw drinking and eating as equally conflicting processes. On the one hand, a person who consumes and incorporates things becomes their master. But on the other hand, the consumer thereby delivers themself up to them, in a sense succumbs to them. For things have lives of their own. The plants and animals a person eats (aside from cannibalism) continue to have an effect within the consumer, indeed work either with or against them, depending on whether they are well or ill disposed toward the consumer. 


What makes drinking more important than eating solids is the fact that here the individual life or soul of a thing is being directly assimilated. In magical thinking every fluid symbolizes blood, and the blood or sap -vital fluid- of an animal or a plant is its soul. This accounts for the taboo against the presence of blood in food of most cultures, our own included. The Christian Eucharist still contains an echo of this identification of blood with the soul.

Because of this direct connection drinking had something menacing about it for primitive humans. As one drinks, one assimilates the soul of something else and one loses their own soul in proportion to their drinking. Wine is the classical instance of this. The person intoxicated by wine no longer possesses their own soul, but is filled by that of the wine, that is, the wine god.

Like most magical conceptions, this one too has a grain of physiological truth to it. Liquid imbibed enters the bloodstream faster than solid foods. The effect for any given drink is more rapid, more immediately observable. And the custom of adding poison to drink has an actual physiological basis as well as the magical one. The poisoned drink is as old as humankind's drinking culture and drinking magic itself. In magical lore every drink is potentially poisoned or, to put it in more general terms, a threat, in that it might embody a soul hostile to the drinker.

Through history drinking rituals have evolved, aimed at neutralizing this menacing aspect. Drinking rituals are communal so that all will feel safe and be able to keep a watchful eye on one another. The king's taster, whose duty it was to test every drink set before his lord for poison, was a variant on this communal drinking, revealing its purpose explicitly.

The oldest and most important drinking ritual is the toast. In making their toasts the drinkers vow reciprocal friendship, goodwill, and good intentions, using traditional stock formulas. One such eleventh-century drinking oath goes: "Let the cups be brought and let us drink to health, drink after me and drink to me, drink to the full, drink half the cup and I shall drink to you." Another toast from the thirteenth century ran: "I drink to you, now drink as much as I do." In a sense, the drink itself was consecrated by these formulas, thus ceasing to be a threat. On the contrary, it became a guarantee and symbol of communality, friendship, and fraternity for those who were drinking. Toasting in archaic societies assumed proportions scarcely imaginable today. Even in the sixteenth century all drinking binges necessarily ended in the total inebriation of all participants, since it would have been an unheard-of breach of drinking etiquette for any member to quit sooner. In drinking etiquette it is taboo not to accept a proffered drink or, for that matter, not to reciprocate. 

Communal drinking is, as has already been suggested here, characterized by a remarkable ambivalence. On the one hand, it creates fraternity among drinkers, on the other this relationship is marked by mutual caution, obligation, and competitiveness, which make it seem far less than friendly. In an instant the bond can be broken and turned into its opposite, should the basic rule be violated. Anyone who refuses a drink offered him in a workers' bar may well find themself in the middle of a brawl; if one does not in turn offer a round, one makes a fool of oneself. Once one is a participant in a round of drinks, one cannot suddenly of their own accord back out. As the scene cited at the start of this chapter shows, one must observe certain rules, even if one is not in the mood. Behavioural sociologists determined from actual observation how ironclad these rules are, unwritten though they may be: "Once the proclamation is made that rounds have begun, it is incumbent upon the members of a group to participate regardless of individual preferences. One cannot demand that they pay for one's own drink and one's own drink only. If one of the members of the group must leave immediately after their first drink, they will usually state that they will stand the first round, being unavailable to stand any subsequent round. Although paying for more drinks than he will be consuming during the course of his stay may be economically unfair to him, it is required that either the other participants in the group accept his offer or that some other member volunteer to take the first round and allow the soon-to-be-departing member's drink to be defined as a gift drink. For example, if one member requests the first round because he must leave and his offer is declined, it is typically declined by someone saying, 'No, let me get the first round, and I'll treat you to a drink.' Once rounds have begun, each member of the group in turn is obligated to stand at least one round. Thus, if a group is composed of four members, rounds must continue for at least four drinks, after which another set of rounds may begin or the participants may begin purchasing their drinks on an individual basis. When rounds have started, the original
group members typically remain together, at least until they have purchased their round, since each member of the group is obligated to purchase one round. Sometimes a member of the original group who has stood their round will move to some other part of the bar, but members of the original group who are yet to stand a round must still include that member even though he or she is no longer physically part of the group. And the defector, in turn, must at least by gesture acknowledge each subsequent drink received from the group, thus maintaining social contact at least until the termination of the rounds." 

The above-mentioned study Mass Observation notes how far, indeed how deep into realms of the unconscious, the feeling of fraternity within a group of drinkers extends. Members of rounds will empty their glasses almost at the same time, and often the levels of the liquid in the glasses will vary by no more than half an inch. The variations are most marked when the glasses are less than half full. They begin at the same time and finish at the same, or almost the same, time. The study relates an impressive example of this telepathic sense of community by reporting about a group of four men of whom one is blind. All sit at a table and order their beer. As soon as the glasses are served, they all raise them to their lips and drink for about four seconds, each returning his glass to the table at the same time. Each, including the blind man, has emptied exactly a quarter of the glass. The next few times they drink in shorter gulps, sometimes the blind man first, sometimes the other three, without any noticeable pattern. But, at the end, they all finish their drinks with a variation of between a quarter and a half inch of beer remaining. 

 The rules and rituals that accompany drinking in a bar or pub survive in our modern civilization as relics from a long-forgotten age. The public house or bar, in fact, may be termed a sort of preserve, in which archaic behavior patterns that have all but vanished from other spheres of life are kept alive. To fully understand the meaning of drinking rituals, one must recall these age-old modes of conduct, mechanisms, and rituals, and their social function. This archaic practice which is perpetuated in drinking rituals is known in anthropology as a potlatch. The potlatch is a kind of sacrificial offering, not to the divinity, but to other human beings. In the potlatch valuable objects are either destroyed in the presence of members of another tribe (a destruction potlatch) or given to them (a gift potlatch). From a modern, rationalistic point of view this process seems senseless, but for primitive societies it has, as the French anthropologist and sociologist Marcel Mauss discovered, an absolutely central social importance: "The motive for these excessive gifts and this reckless consumption, the senseless loss and destruction of property is in no way unselfishly motivated. Among chieftains, vassals, and followers a hierarchy is established by means of these gifts. Giving is a way of demonstrating one's superiority, of showing that one is greater, that one stands higher . . .; to accept, without reciprocating or giving more in return, means subordinating oneself, becoming a vassal and follower, sinking deeper."

Even today traces survive of this original sense of gift giving. Anyone who gives a gift, treats, or invites another is the superior and more powerful person. The recipient, of course, has the advantage of receiving something of value without paying for it; but on the other hand the recipient does pay for it, precisely by being left the passive receiver. For this reason it is mostly children and women—those who in our society personify powerlessness and passivity—who are given gifts. The German expression for reciprocating a gift, sich revanchieren, contains a word closely linked to "revenge," a reminder that every gift basically entails an assault on the autonomy of the receiver. This is exactly what Nietzsche, that great unmasker of fair appearances, meant by calling gratitude a form of revenge: expressing thanks when one has received a favor or a present gives an immaterial counterpresent, so to speak, a formula by which the recipient attempts to neutralize or, more accurately, to avenge, the incursion into their existence the gift represents. 

 Yet these are only lingering traces of the older meaning that gift giving, gift receiving, and the exchange of presents once had. With the capitalist principle of exchange, this mechanism has generally lost its power in our daily lives. 

It is only in the context of alcohol drinking that it still survives with any degree of vigour. In a sense, the bar is a thoroughly archaic place, with more than mere vestiges, hints, or sublimations of what once was clinging to it. Here the genuine article lives on: drinkers sharing rounds are participants in a potlatch. With the instinctive sureness of migratory birds they follow the rules and rituals of offering and reciprocating, without an inkling of their ancient origins. Assisting them in this, of course, is the alcohol itself, around which everything revolves. It washes away the newer, "civilized" levels of consciousness, exposing the archaic level where intoxication, fraternity, and competition merge as spontaneously as they might have in a drinking bout five hundred, a thousand, or three thousand years ago. 



(From Chapter 6 of Tastes of ParadiseA Social History of Spices, Stimulants, and Intoxicants)

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